Wednesday, January 30, 2013

Have the Muslims ignored Kabir


By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

As the Humanise India journey started from Kabirchaura, there were some uncomfortable questions which are often ignored and sidelined. The stories that we had heard in our child hood and still promoted are that when Kabir died there was a big dispute between the Hindus and Muslims on his ‘religious’ identity. The Muslims wanted to bury him and the Hindus wanted to cremate him. This is the supreme irony that we are told that when the issue did not resolve, Kabir body became flower which both the Hindus and Muslims divided among them and cremated him according to their beliefs. Is it possible that a body becomes flower after death asks the Muttawali of the ‘Mazar’of Kabir at Magahar.

While ‘secularists’ may like to present the picture of the Kabir Samadhi Sthal at Magahar as a complete photo-op of pluralism and cultural syncretism in India where Mosque and temple stood together in absolute harmony, the things are not as simple as they are being made out. A contrast is visible when you visit the ‘Hindu Samadhi’ of Kabir and compare it with the ‘Mazar’ adjacent to it. The latter is suffering in the absence of support from the government and others. In fact, the archeological survey of India had demolished a large portion of it but the discrimination between the two is perfect and absolute.
One of my curiosities about Kabir has been about his birth and acceptability among his people. I go to Muttawali Shabir Hussein who is quietly sitting in front of the place where according to him Kabir was buried. His claim to belong to a family where Kabir had stayed and his forefathers served his Mazar with great devotion. Shabir Hussein is a disappointed person today. ‘We talk of secularism, Hindu Muslim brotherhood but where is it? Why are people not giving this place their due? He knows that every year there is so much of festivities and huge funds come for the celebration of Kabir Mahotsav but not a single penny was spend on developing the mosque.

The Kabir math has Hindu literature and all his ‘Dohas’ are there but at the Mazar of Kabir, not a single sentence or preaching of Kabir is written. A few things are mentioned in Arabic and I ask Shabir Hussein as what does he think about the whole process and deification of Kabir now. His only concern is that government and people have not respected him despite the fact Kabir was buried at the place he sits. He has devoted his life and his father too for the service of ‘Sahib’. Your complaint may be true with Hindus but why don’t Muslims come here and respect Kabir’, I ask. ‘ Muslim believe in ‘tawarikh’ and the Hindus have actually distorted things about Kabir that no Muslim is ready to accept him’, he says. How can a Muslim accept a person whose ‘parents’ are not known. Some time, it is being said that he was born to a ‘brahmin widow’ sometime something else. When history is distorted then there is no chance of acceptability of a person in the community and hence Kabir seems to have become victim of this. He spoke against superstition and supreme irony is that he has been made a miracle man today. The mosque adjacent to the Samadhisthal does not portray anything of Kabir as according to the Muttawali Shabir Hussein, Kabir was not a social reformer but a ‘wali’. He does not want to remember Kabir as a social reformer. How could he write so many things when he was illiterate said the Muttawali. And he has his own arguments when I said how he feel Kabir saying,’ Kankar pathar jori ke masjid layi banay, taa chadhi mullah bang de kya bahro huo khuday’. Shabir is unimpressed with this and ask if he said this are the temples not made of ‘kankar and pathar’ but I countered him about the noise that the mullah speak of. Shabir Hussein feels that all this is later entry and distorted version of things in the name of Kabir. He reiterates his views that kabir was a great ‘wali’ and ‘elderly’ man who has miracle power.

While I agreed to many things that Shabir Hussein said, I felt he is sandwiched between the Hindu secularists and his own community people. The Muslims are not ready to accept the reformist Kabir at all apart from his issues related to ‘birth’ and ‘khari khari’. I told Shabir Hussein that it would have been great to see Muslims coming to Kabir but that is not happening. He was a Julaha, a weaver and born in that community and spoke against social evil but the community has not accepted him as he did not harp on that identity. Is it important for Muslims to know about the identity of a person for being respected or revered? Why have Muslims not owned him even if Kabir talked about universal brotherhood and against all forms of discrimination? It is also true that with the Devbandi ideology growing among the Islamic sects, the idea of Mazar is being presented as non-Islamic and hence it is the struggle of being ‘pragmatist’ as well as being part of Islam. This internal dynamism has forced him not to make Kabir as a reformer but as a ‘wali’ which not everybody would acceptable.

It is true that Kabir’s Hinduisation process is complete at the moment. The statue of Kabir that former chief minister Ms Mayawati inaugurated is decorated with a white ‘tikka’ on his forehead. Now various statues of Kabir of ‘morepankh’ on his forehead like Krishna. In the Hindu Kabir Sthal there are numerous quotes and literature coming. Kabir Mahotsava is being organized every year. Of course, the Hindus can be blamed for being selective and denying Kabir his identity in relations to Muslims. Now, claims are also being made that he was a Buddhist as many of his preaching are quite close to Buddha’s ideals of nonviolence and international brotherhood. The Kabir’s mazar is languishing because of neglect both from the Muslims-Hindus as well as secularists who mythicize his death into a ‘secular miracle’. It is ironical that in today’s conflicting times when we have hatred all around and when we should have respected Kabir’s preaching and bold sayings, his ‘claimants’ want to convert him to mythological figure and make money out of him. There is no meaning to say that one considers him a Wali and not a social reformer. Shabir Hussein deserves listening but he also need to change his mind-set to bring Muslims to great ideals of Kabir. You cannot disown a person just because you do not know his whereabouts. We respect Kabir not because he was a Hindu or a Muslim but a human being who preached love and affection and had the courage to speak against all forms of oppression without any hesitation. It need a lot of courage of conviction and ideals to be so and Kabir is India’s shining example of humanist heritage and it is our duty to revive his great legacy and take it to the people. Muslims, Hindus, secularists, atheists, humanists, all will gain from understanding Kabir who was hated by the fundamentalists of all kinds but could not challenge his authority as he remained down to earth closely associated with the masses. Such legendary icons cannot be confined to the narrow confines of their birth based identities. Humanity gains from their knowledge and work. It is sad that we are still dividing Kabir on those narrow lines which he opposed his life and converting him to mythological figures against which he stood for life long. It is time that people of India own Kabir and follow his high traditions of mutual love and rejection of extremists’ ideologies.

Kabir: Conscious keeper for secular society

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

As the nation celebrates its 63rd republic day with great pride, it is time to ask uncomfortable questions too. Our constitutional forefathers gave us a secular socialist democratic constitution so that each one of us has a stake in it and that every individual get an opportunity in participating in our national life irrespective of our caste and religion. Our constitution ensured that individuals are not discriminated on the basis of our identities and women do not remain confined to homes but have important role in each walk of our life. Untouchability is abolished by our constitution and yet practiced rampantly in our villages, in schools and manual scavenging is still the order of the day in various states of the country and government still do not have the exact numbers. The country has a secular constitution yet government could not protect a mosque demolished by the hoodlums claiming to be the followers of a particular God. The state of India could not honor the rights of a Muslim woman named as Shahbano who was given alimony by the Supreme Court but turned upside down by the Parliament of India. In the name of secularism, the state and political parties continued to protect and promote the competitive communalism. Political parties have converted secularism to identity politics dominated by the religious clergies of different religion resulting in complete absence of social reforms with in the communities and strengthening of the rightwing fundamentalists’ forces everywhere.
Therefore, it is essential to understand the entire situation around us and tried to find as why the secular constitution of India is unable to build a secular society in India. It is not the fault of constitution. Today, many people feel as if we want to change the constitution. The thing is that we have one of the best constitutions of the world where our forefathers envisaged that it will require changes in due course of time and hence a clause for amendments was made in it. And this is a process that every democratic society believes in that change is the way of life and hence our laws must reflect the sense of that period. Unfortunately, the more the country has made economic progress, the lesser has been its focus on cultural changes. Unlike Industrialization in the West, Indian status quoists actually used the industrial revolution for their own religious agenda. The caste capitalism in India actually promoted the caste interests of the power elite through religious propaganda. All those who talked against caste system, untouchability and communalism were blamed as western influenced arm chair activists who have no relations with the ordinary Indian and the society here. They blamed Nehru for introducing this brand of secularism in India and the reason for this dangerous game was the so called historians who did never ever gave due acknowledgment to the vast non-religious humanist heritage of this country which began from Carvaka and later the stream was strengthened by revolutionary Sufi Saint Kabir who was unambiguous in his criticism against religious fanatics.

Today, Kabir has become more than relevant for developing and building up of a secular society. Born in 1556 at Lahartara Varanasi, at the place of a weaver community person, Kabir saw the prevailing situation around him. Caste system was rampant as the priests would always consider themselves superior to others and that is why he had the courage to say that nobody is bothered about caste, those who believe in God are god’s children. He never believed in the supremacy of those who know Vedas and Puranas and in fact defeated many of these so-called priests in open debate which are called Shastrarth. He always believed that someone does not become a knowledgeable person by merely reading text books; the real Pandit is the one who understand the language of love.

Kabir was the conscious of society when it was facing oppression in different forms and priestly class has used religion and divine text to justify their position and oppression. He spoke against them boldly and unambiguously and that is why he is much above all those who appease the religious fringe in the name of secularism. He question the worshipping of idols by Hindus saying ‘ Pahan puje hari mile to main puju pahar, tatai yeh chakki bhali, peesh khaya sansar’, if you can get God by worshipping the stone, then I would worship mountain. Oh man, worship your grinding machine which grinds your wheat. Similarly, he was ruthless against the Muslim priestly class when he says,’ kankar pathar jori ke masjid layi banay, taa chadhi mullah bang de, kya bahro huo khudaya’ meaning you build the mosque through stones and now the mullah shout loudly over it as if Allah is deaf.

Kabir was much ahead of his time and his power came from deep rooted conviction in him to fight against all kind of discrimination. The point is that Kabir believed in one identity of human being. He was born in the backward Muslim community yet it was his birth based identity which he was never bothered about. None of his preaching was ever based on these fictitious identities that we now harp on so much as if that is the end of the world. His focus was inner change in our heart and he believed that unless we introspect about our own self, situation was not going to change. As he was honest and bold without any personal gains, he spoke valiantly and what we call ‘ Khari Khari’. Today, we do not have people and intellectuals who could speak that khari khari as we all have embedded perceptions about our ideology. Our ideologies are shaped in drawing rooms and we are ready to allow people being killed in the name of ideologies and perceptions. Human beings are being slaughtered for the sake of ideology. Our sensitivity only wakes up when somebody is from our community otherwise we have become highly insensitive. This kind of politics and intellectualism is nothing but farcical. Kabir felt that nothing is bigger than human being and hence no ideology can be bigger than the principles of love and common brotherhood.

If we want to make our constitutional principles envisaged by Baba Saheb Ambedkar to succeed, it is time, we start thinking on the lines of Kabir who believed in humanism and promoted the idea of love and affection. It is important that our secularism does not turn into a free for all religious fanaticism which only strengthens the communalist elements in our society. Our secularism must spread love and affection among people and provide opportunities to all the people in our national life. The secularism that our constitutions envisage is equal respect to all provided each individual is respected and his or her rights are not infringed by the religious values. Kabir spoke against all forms of oppressions in the name of caste, religion and identities. It is unfortunate that his legacy of humanism is not being propagated properly to the people. Those who blame secularism as the value of Western thinkers must not forget how Kabir, an illiterate and born in one of the most disadvantaged communities spoke against all forms of superstition and challenged the supremacy of priestly class in India. It was Kabir who felt the religious dogmas are nothing but violate the principles of equality and brotherhood. If our constitutional values have not become our social values, it is time, we reinvent the values of Kabir and other saints like him who stood for human rights of the people, talked of human values so that we become a humanist society free from all kind of dogmas and superstitions in the name of traditions and culture.


The Republic of Fear


By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Mahrajganj is a border district with Nepal where the oppression of the most marginalized is complete. Though there is enough land in the district, it is rarely redistributed among the landless. The condition of the wage workers is difficult and the caste oppression is complete as report of the oppression does not come out. Our Humanise India journey had night halt on the republic day here as two of our Yatris, I Chandraih and Mustak Insaan exposed various miracles in front of villagers and school children who had gathered at the school in the night. It was damn chill in the night and we were forewarned not to speak too much on religion and conversion. The fact of the matter is that as a humanist we defend individuals’ right to choose their faith but we do not consider religion as important factor of human life and we have examples of Buddha, Kabir, Ravida and Rahul Sankrityayan from this very region who revolted against the brutal values of religion that violated basic principles of equality of human beings.
It was known to us that the Yatra will have uncomfortable zones as speaking against Untouchability, Caste discrimination and Communalism is bound to affect the power elite and caste forces in these regions who wanted that these issues are not ever raised. The problem arises when the so-called activists themselves use these pretext and avoid raising uncomfortable questions. I am narrating these incidents as how things are at the ground and in certain areas very disturbing and disappointing.
A spontaneous visit to Kanjar basti in the heart of Maharaganj town showed the disturbing trends which were witnessed in other districts also where we visited. The Kanjars falls under the scheduled caste category while they are demanding scheduled tribe status. The reason for that is may be because of their marginalization with in the Dalit movements too, they felt that under the scheduled tribe category they would be better placed. The fact of the matter is the broader Dalit movement has rarely raised the issues of the most marginalized. It is shocking to see when the Kanjar blamed the other Dalit communities along with the upper caste giving the same treatment. ‘ We face untouchability from with in the Dalit and OBC community too’, said a leader of the community. When they started organizing themselves and raised their issues for livelihood, land and job, they were threatened by the goons of Hindutva. People were beaten up and charged to have connived with Christian missionaries in lure for corruption. The problem with such goons is that they would rarely raise the issues of these communities but when they fight for their right, they are easily charged with trying to ‘convert’.

It was sad to see that the activists themselves who claim to work for the community try to avoid these uncomfortable questions. More than 500 families live in Indira Nagar’s kanjar basti, a majority of them are living in abject poverty and complete landlessness. It is painful to see their condition. On the 26th January when we proudly claimed to be a republic, Kanjar basti spoke what have they got in these 62 years. Open filth welcome you in the basti. A new colony Is being built up for the people but it is not completed and people do not even know when will it complete. There are only 123 houses being built for the people and that does not even satisfy one thirds of the people. They also say that whatever land was occupied by them, the houses are built on that structure only. Just a little 100 meter away, we see people living in makeshift tents. Their condition is completely disgusting. In the cold and chilly winter, the children and families sleep on the floor. Most of them do not have ration cards and getting the NREGA work is impossible as they are not even considered part of the society. Police arrest them for any theft that happens anywhere. They were actually ‘criminal tribe’ during the British period but despite government notifications against this law yet the police manuals have not moved away from the age old prejudices. It is shameful that these racial practices are still part of our consciousness. Ashish Nandi may say loads of them as he has the sophistication to say but let him have the courage to speak against these age old prejudices against Dalits existing in our society. Is it not corruption?
The Kanjars have their taboos and internal problems too which they expressed themselves. The biggest one is the liquor as that has destroyed their personal relationships. The women do not get work anywhere. A number of the families are earning through begging only. The girls are educated also but have no work as with Kanjar as caste surname none will ever give them work. They are disappointed yet when our journey reached their locality it was an occasion for confidence building. Women, young girls, boys and old men, all listened to us silently. The issue for them is their land and living rights apart from being harassed by the police for every threat.

Shouting slogan for their rights, they promised that they will fight their battle. The entire locality came to see us off at Maharajganj. They shook hand, hugged us and it was after years when they realize that people can touch them feel their own. The social activists who are afraid of touching our own people cannot really claim to work for human rights. It is shameful that political movements did not reach them and none took them seriously.

About 100 kilometers further in Padrauna, the district headquarter of Kushingar, we joined a huge demonstration of Nat community. They too are nomadic tribal and wanting the same status. After years of exploitation, Nats remain absolute landless. There are no ration cards for them and no allotment is made for them. They too face the same untouchability from different communities. It is sad to see that these most marginalized communities do not attract the priority listing of the authorities.
As we approarched a village near Kasya, the biggest town of district Kushinagar, our friends took us in the Dalit basti. Ofcourse, the basti is divided in to the same lines and perhaps the caste Hindus have played their card well. The right hand sides across the road are Doms and Bansfors, who are still considered untouchables with in various castes too including Dalits and OBCs. We get down and enter the Bansfor basti and speak to the people. They complain that the Chamar basti people do not allow them to sit with them and practice untouchability with them. The village Nai, the barbar, does not allow them to sit in his shop. They cannot get their hair cut there. No one offer tea in the local Dhabas. Unfortunate part is that the Nais or barbar community itself is humiliated a lot during the marriage ceremony.

For us, it was good that we united all of them and brought them to the house of our friends across the road and talked of unity among various castes. I know big talks of representation at the ‘national level’ but at the ground level the situation is not that easy is being presented to us. Caste prejudices are prevalent in our society and people are afraid to speak. It shocks that after years of independence, we have the same situation where people have to hide things. Many of the colleges invited us but internally the teachers are afraid along with their management fearing we might speak something ‘unwanted’. Why does this situation still exist in India? The country adopted a secular constitution and abolished untouchability but it is still practiced in absolute form in our colleges and institutions. The mid-day meal is not given together and these students are made to sit at the end in their own mats and the food is given to them separately.

The good thing is that the Yatra has generated enormous response locally as students; teachers and onlookers outside in the streets have felt for the cause that we are talking about. It is the cause of Humanising India that has attracted them. It was a satisfying day today in Kushingar as we felt that the message has gone across people and we were able to unite many of them in their common struggle for social justice and dignity but it will still take a lot of time as we are passing through the ‘Republic of Fear’ where caste identities are stronger and the forces of status quo have made different arrangements to remain in power by using smaller contradictions of Dalits and other shudra communities. It will only be possible if the poor and marginalized have more dialogue among them and wage a common battle against oppression of all kind and eliminate discrimination among them too.

The Republic of Fear


By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Mahrajganj is a border district with Nepal where the oppression of the most marginalized is complete. Though there is enough land in the district, it is rarely redistributed among the landless. The condition of the wage workers is difficult and the caste oppression is complete as report of the oppression does not come out. Our Humanise India journey had night halt on the republic day here as two of our Yatris, I Chandraih and Mustak Insaan exposed various miracles in front of villagers and school children who had gathered at the school in the night. It was damn chill in the night and we were forewarned not to speak too much on religion and conversion. The fact of the matter is that as a humanist we defend individuals’ right to choose their faith but we do not consider religion as important factor of human life and we have examples of Buddha, Kabir, Ravida and Rahul Sankrityayan from this very region who revolted against the brutal values of religion that violated basic principles of equality of human beings.
It was known to us that the Yatra will have uncomfortable zones as speaking against Untouchability, Caste discrimination and Communalism is bound to affect the power elite and caste forces in these regions who wanted that these issues are not ever raised. The problem arises when the so-called activists themselves use these pretext and avoid raising uncomfortable questions. I am narrating these incidents as how things are at the ground and in certain areas very disturbing and disappointing.
A spontaneous visit to Kanjar basti in the heart of Maharaganj town showed the disturbing trends which were witnessed in other districts also where we visited. The Kanjars falls under the scheduled caste category while they are demanding scheduled tribe status. The reason for that is may be because of their marginalization with in the Dalit movements too, they felt that under the scheduled tribe category they would be better placed. The fact of the matter is the broader Dalit movement has rarely raised the issues of the most marginalized. It is shocking to see when the Kanjar blamed the other Dalit communities along with the upper caste giving the same treatment. ‘ We face untouchability from with in the Dalit and OBC community too’, said a leader of the community. When they started organizing themselves and raised their issues for livelihood, land and job, they were threatened by the goons of Hindutva. People were beaten up and charged to have connived with Christian missionaries in lure for corruption. The problem with such goons is that they would rarely raise the issues of these communities but when they fight for their right, they are easily charged with trying to ‘convert’.

It was sad to see that the activists themselves who claim to work for the community try to avoid these uncomfortable questions. More than 500 families live in Indira Nagar’s kanjar basti, a majority of them are living in abject poverty and complete landlessness. It is painful to see their condition. On the 26th January when we proudly claimed to be a republic, Kanjar basti spoke what have they got in these 62 years. Open filth welcome you in the basti. A new colony Is being built up for the people but it is not completed and people do not even know when will it complete. There are only 123 houses being built for the people and that does not even satisfy one thirds of the people. They also say that whatever land was occupied by them, the houses are built on that structure only. Just a little 100 meter away, we see people living in makeshift tents. Their condition is completely disgusting. In the cold and chilly winter, the children and families sleep on the floor. Most of them do not have ration cards and getting the NREGA work is impossible as they are not even considered part of the society. Police arrest them for any theft that happens anywhere. They were actually ‘criminal tribe’ during the British period but despite government notifications against this law yet the police manuals have not moved away from the age old prejudices. It is shameful that these racial practices are still part of our consciousness. Ashish Nandi may say loads of them as he has the sophistication to say but let him have the courage to speak against these age old prejudices against Dalits existing in our society. Is it not corruption?
The Kanjars have their taboos and internal problems too which they expressed themselves. The biggest one is the liquor as that has destroyed their personal relationships. The women do not get work anywhere. A number of the families are earning through begging only. The girls are educated also but have no work as with Kanjar as caste surname none will ever give them work. They are disappointed yet when our journey reached their locality it was an occasion for confidence building. Women, young girls, boys and old men, all listened to us silently. The issue for them is their land and living rights apart from being harassed by the police for every threat.

Shouting slogan for their rights, they promised that they will fight their battle. The entire locality came to see us off at Maharajganj. They shook hand, hugged us and it was after years when they realize that people can touch them feel their own. The social activists who are afraid of touching our own people cannot really claim to work for human rights. It is shameful that political movements did not reach them and none took them seriously.

About 100 kilometers further in Padrauna, the district headquarter of Kushingar, we joined a huge demonstration of Nat community. They too are nomadic tribal and wanting the same status. After years of exploitation, Nats remain absolute landless. There are no ration cards for them and no allotment is made for them. They too face the same untouchability from different communities. It is sad to see that these most marginalized communities do not attract the priority listing of the authorities.
As we approarched a village near Kasya, the biggest town of district Kushinagar, our friends took us in the Dalit basti. Ofcourse, the basti is divided in to the same lines and perhaps the caste Hindus have played their card well. The right hand sides across the road are Doms and Bansfors, who are still considered untouchables with in various castes too including Dalits and OBCs. We get down and enter the Bansfor basti and speak to the people. They complain that the Chamar basti people do not allow them to sit with them and practice untouchability with them. The village Nai, the barbar, does not allow them to sit in his shop. They cannot get their hair cut there. No one offer tea in the local Dhabas. Unfortunate part is that the Nais or barbar community itself is humiliated a lot during the marriage ceremony.

For us, it was good that we united all of them and brought them to the house of our friends across the road and talked of unity among various castes. I know big talks of representation at the ‘national level’ but at the ground level the situation is not that easy is being presented to us. Caste prejudices are prevalent in our society and people are afraid to speak. It shocks that after years of independence, we have the same situation where people have to hide things. Many of the colleges invited us but internally the teachers are afraid along with their management fearing we might speak something ‘unwanted’. Why does this situation still exist in India? The country adopted a secular constitution and abolished untouchability but it is still practiced in absolute form in our colleges and institutions. The mid-day meal is not given together and these students are made to sit at the end in their own mats and the food is given to them separately.

The good thing is that the Yatra has generated enormous response locally as students; teachers and onlookers outside in the streets have felt for the cause that we are talking about. It is the cause of Humanising India that has attracted them. It was a satisfying day today in Kushingar as we felt that the message has gone across people and we were able to unite many of them in their common struggle for social justice and dignity but it will still take a lot of time as we are passing through the ‘Republic of Fear’ where caste identities are stronger and the forces of status quo have made different arrangements to remain in power by using smaller contradictions of Dalits and other shudra communities. It will only be possible if the poor and marginalized have more dialogue among them and wage a common battle against oppression of all kind and eliminate discrimination among them too.

The Republic of Fear


By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Mahrajganj is a border district with Nepal where the oppression of the most marginalized is complete. Though there is enough land in the district, it is rarely redistributed among the landless. The condition of the wage workers is difficult and the caste oppression is complete as report of the oppression does not come out. Our Humanise India journey had night halt on the republic day here as two of our Yatris, I Chandraih and Mustak Insaan exposed various miracles in front of villagers and school children who had gathered at the school in the night. It was damn chill in the night and we were forewarned not to speak too much on religion and conversion. The fact of the matter is that as a humanist we defend individuals’ right to choose their faith but we do not consider religion as important factor of human life and we have examples of Buddha, Kabir, Ravida and Rahul Sankrityayan from this very region who revolted against the brutal values of religion that violated basic principles of equality of human beings.
It was known to us that the Yatra will have uncomfortable zones as speaking against Untouchability, Caste discrimination and Communalism is bound to affect the power elite and caste forces in these regions who wanted that these issues are not ever raised. The problem arises when the so-called activists themselves use these pretext and avoid raising uncomfortable questions. I am narrating these incidents as how things are at the ground and in certain areas very disturbing and disappointing.
A spontaneous visit to Kanjar basti in the heart of Maharaganj town showed the disturbing trends which were witnessed in other districts also where we visited. The Kanjars falls under the scheduled caste category while they are demanding scheduled tribe status. The reason for that is may be because of their marginalization with in the Dalit movements too, they felt that under the scheduled tribe category they would be better placed. The fact of the matter is the broader Dalit movement has rarely raised the issues of the most marginalized. It is shocking to see when the Kanjar blamed the other Dalit communities along with the upper caste giving the same treatment. ‘ We face untouchability from with in the Dalit and OBC community too’, said a leader of the community. When they started organizing themselves and raised their issues for livelihood, land and job, they were threatened by the goons of Hindutva. People were beaten up and charged to have connived with Christian missionaries in lure for corruption. The problem with such goons is that they would rarely raise the issues of these communities but when they fight for their right, they are easily charged with trying to ‘convert’.

It was sad to see that the activists themselves who claim to work for the community try to avoid these uncomfortable questions. More than 500 families live in Indira Nagar’s kanjar basti, a majority of them are living in abject poverty and complete landlessness. It is painful to see their condition. On the 26th January when we proudly claimed to be a republic, Kanjar basti spoke what have they got in these 62 years. Open filth welcome you in the basti. A new colony Is being built up for the people but it is not completed and people do not even know when will it complete. There are only 123 houses being built for the people and that does not even satisfy one thirds of the people. They also say that whatever land was occupied by them, the houses are built on that structure only. Just a little 100 meter away, we see people living in makeshift tents. Their condition is completely disgusting. In the cold and chilly winter, the children and families sleep on the floor. Most of them do not have ration cards and getting the NREGA work is impossible as they are not even considered part of the society. Police arrest them for any theft that happens anywhere. They were actually ‘criminal tribe’ during the British period but despite government notifications against this law yet the police manuals have not moved away from the age old prejudices. It is shameful that these racial practices are still part of our consciousness. Ashish Nandi may say loads of them as he has the sophistication to say but let him have the courage to speak against these age old prejudices against Dalits existing in our society. Is it not corruption?
The Kanjars have their taboos and internal problems too which they expressed themselves. The biggest one is the liquor as that has destroyed their personal relationships. The women do not get work anywhere. A number of the families are earning through begging only. The girls are educated also but have no work as with Kanjar as caste surname none will ever give them work. They are disappointed yet when our journey reached their locality it was an occasion for confidence building. Women, young girls, boys and old men, all listened to us silently. The issue for them is their land and living rights apart from being harassed by the police for every threat.

Shouting slogan for their rights, they promised that they will fight their battle. The entire locality came to see us off at Maharajganj. They shook hand, hugged us and it was after years when they realize that people can touch them feel their own. The social activists who are afraid of touching our own people cannot really claim to work for human rights. It is shameful that political movements did not reach them and none took them seriously.

About 100 kilometers further in Padrauna, the district headquarter of Kushingar, we joined a huge demonstration of Nat community. They too are nomadic tribal and wanting the same status. After years of exploitation, Nats remain absolute landless. There are no ration cards for them and no allotment is made for them. They too face the same untouchability from different communities. It is sad to see that these most marginalized communities do not attract the priority listing of the authorities.
As we approarched a village near Kasya, the biggest town of district Kushinagar, our friends took us in the Dalit basti. Ofcourse, the basti is divided in to the same lines and perhaps the caste Hindus have played their card well. The right hand sides across the road are Doms and Bansfors, who are still considered untouchables with in various castes too including Dalits and OBCs. We get down and enter the Bansfor basti and speak to the people. They complain that the Chamar basti people do not allow them to sit with them and practice untouchability with them. The village Nai, the barbar, does not allow them to sit in his shop. They cannot get their hair cut there. No one offer tea in the local Dhabas. Unfortunate part is that the Nais or barbar community itself is humiliated a lot during the marriage ceremony.

For us, it was good that we united all of them and brought them to the house of our friends across the road and talked of unity among various castes. I know big talks of representation at the ‘national level’ but at the ground level the situation is not that easy is being presented to us. Caste prejudices are prevalent in our society and people are afraid to speak. It shocks that after years of independence, we have the same situation where people have to hide things. Many of the colleges invited us but internally the teachers are afraid along with their management fearing we might speak something ‘unwanted’. Why does this situation still exist in India? The country adopted a secular constitution and abolished untouchability but it is still practiced in absolute form in our colleges and institutions. The mid-day meal is not given together and these students are made to sit at the end in their own mats and the food is given to them separately.

The good thing is that the Yatra has generated enormous response locally as students; teachers and onlookers outside in the streets have felt for the cause that we are talking about. It is the cause of Humanising India that has attracted them. It was a satisfying day today in Kushingar as we felt that the message has gone across people and we were able to unite many of them in their common struggle for social justice and dignity but it will still take a lot of time as we are passing through the ‘Republic of Fear’ where caste identities are stronger and the forces of status quo have made different arrangements to remain in power by using smaller contradictions of Dalits and other shudra communities. It will only be possible if the poor and marginalized have more dialogue among them and wage a common battle against oppression of all kind and eliminate discrimination among them too.

The Republic of Fear


By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Mahrajganj is a border district with Nepal where the oppression of the most marginalized is complete. Though there is enough land in the district, it is rarely redistributed among the landless. The condition of the wage workers is difficult and the caste oppression is complete as report of the oppression does not come out. Our Humanise India journey had night halt on the republic day here as two of our Yatris, I Chandraih and Mustak Insaan exposed various miracles in front of villagers and school children who had gathered at the school in the night. It was damn chill in the night and we were forewarned not to speak too much on religion and conversion. The fact of the matter is that as a humanist we defend individuals’ right to choose their faith but we do not consider religion as important factor of human life and we have examples of Buddha, Kabir, Ravida and Rahul Sankrityayan from this very region who revolted against the brutal values of religion that violated basic principles of equality of human beings.
It was known to us that the Yatra will have uncomfortable zones as speaking against Untouchability, Caste discrimination and Communalism is bound to affect the power elite and caste forces in these regions who wanted that these issues are not ever raised. The problem arises when the so-called activists themselves use these pretext and avoid raising uncomfortable questions. I am narrating these incidents as how things are at the ground and in certain areas very disturbing and disappointing.
A spontaneous visit to Kanjar basti in the heart of Maharaganj town showed the disturbing trends which were witnessed in other districts also where we visited. The Kanjars falls under the scheduled caste category while they are demanding scheduled tribe status. The reason for that is may be because of their marginalization with in the Dalit movements too, they felt that under the scheduled tribe category they would be better placed. The fact of the matter is the broader Dalit movement has rarely raised the issues of the most marginalized. It is shocking to see when the Kanjar blamed the other Dalit communities along with the upper caste giving the same treatment. ‘ We face untouchability from with in the Dalit and OBC community too’, said a leader of the community. When they started organizing themselves and raised their issues for livelihood, land and job, they were threatened by the goons of Hindutva. People were beaten up and charged to have connived with Christian missionaries in lure for corruption. The problem with such goons is that they would rarely raise the issues of these communities but when they fight for their right, they are easily charged with trying to ‘convert’.

It was sad to see that the activists themselves who claim to work for the community try to avoid these uncomfortable questions. More than 500 families live in Indira Nagar’s kanjar basti, a majority of them are living in abject poverty and complete landlessness. It is painful to see their condition. On the 26th January when we proudly claimed to be a republic, Kanjar basti spoke what have they got in these 62 years. Open filth welcome you in the basti. A new colony Is being built up for the people but it is not completed and people do not even know when will it complete. There are only 123 houses being built for the people and that does not even satisfy one thirds of the people. They also say that whatever land was occupied by them, the houses are built on that structure only. Just a little 100 meter away, we see people living in makeshift tents. Their condition is completely disgusting. In the cold and chilly winter, the children and families sleep on the floor. Most of them do not have ration cards and getting the NREGA work is impossible as they are not even considered part of the society. Police arrest them for any theft that happens anywhere. They were actually ‘criminal tribe’ during the British period but despite government notifications against this law yet the police manuals have not moved away from the age old prejudices. It is shameful that these racial practices are still part of our consciousness. Ashish Nandi may say loads of them as he has the sophistication to say but let him have the courage to speak against these age old prejudices against Dalits existing in our society. Is it not corruption?
The Kanjars have their taboos and internal problems too which they expressed themselves. The biggest one is the liquor as that has destroyed their personal relationships. The women do not get work anywhere. A number of the families are earning through begging only. The girls are educated also but have no work as with Kanjar as caste surname none will ever give them work. They are disappointed yet when our journey reached their locality it was an occasion for confidence building. Women, young girls, boys and old men, all listened to us silently. The issue for them is their land and living rights apart from being harassed by the police for every threat.

Shouting slogan for their rights, they promised that they will fight their battle. The entire locality came to see us off at Maharajganj. They shook hand, hugged us and it was after years when they realize that people can touch them feel their own. The social activists who are afraid of touching our own people cannot really claim to work for human rights. It is shameful that political movements did not reach them and none took them seriously.

About 100 kilometers further in Padrauna, the district headquarter of Kushingar, we joined a huge demonstration of Nat community. They too are nomadic tribal and wanting the same status. After years of exploitation, Nats remain absolute landless. There are no ration cards for them and no allotment is made for them. They too face the same untouchability from different communities. It is sad to see that these most marginalized communities do not attract the priority listing of the authorities.
As we approarched a village near Kasya, the biggest town of district Kushinagar, our friends took us in the Dalit basti. Ofcourse, the basti is divided in to the same lines and perhaps the caste Hindus have played their card well. The right hand sides across the road are Doms and Bansfors, who are still considered untouchables with in various castes too including Dalits and OBCs. We get down and enter the Bansfor basti and speak to the people. They complain that the Chamar basti people do not allow them to sit with them and practice untouchability with them. The village Nai, the barbar, does not allow them to sit in his shop. They cannot get their hair cut there. No one offer tea in the local Dhabas. Unfortunate part is that the Nais or barbar community itself is humiliated a lot during the marriage ceremony.

For us, it was good that we united all of them and brought them to the house of our friends across the road and talked of unity among various castes. I know big talks of representation at the ‘national level’ but at the ground level the situation is not that easy is being presented to us. Caste prejudices are prevalent in our society and people are afraid to speak. It shocks that after years of independence, we have the same situation where people have to hide things. Many of the colleges invited us but internally the teachers are afraid along with their management fearing we might speak something ‘unwanted’. Why does this situation still exist in India? The country adopted a secular constitution and abolished untouchability but it is still practiced in absolute form in our colleges and institutions. The mid-day meal is not given together and these students are made to sit at the end in their own mats and the food is given to them separately.

The good thing is that the Yatra has generated enormous response locally as students; teachers and onlookers outside in the streets have felt for the cause that we are talking about. It is the cause of Humanising India that has attracted them. It was a satisfying day today in Kushingar as we felt that the message has gone across people and we were able to unite many of them in their common struggle for social justice and dignity but it will still take a lot of time as we are passing through the ‘Republic of Fear’ where caste identities are stronger and the forces of status quo have made different arrangements to remain in power by using smaller contradictions of Dalits and other shudra communities. It will only be possible if the poor and marginalized have more dialogue among them and wage a common battle against oppression of all kind and eliminate discrimination among them too.

Thursday, January 17, 2013

Conquering Hatred




By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

The biggest casualty of the Indo-Pakistan war mongering jingoism is the community of people who believe in people to people dialogue and have mutual admiration for art, culture and sports. Even when there is so much of air of distrust between the government, it need to be understood that Pakistan has not yet matured as democracy and its government continue to function under the watchful eyes of powerful military. The military get strength from being the most ‘efficient’ and ‘uncorrupted’ institution in Pakistan but the fact is that to get continuous legitimacy of political interventions, it is essential for it, to discredit the political class as a whole and therefore find a route to stage a well-orchestrated coup.

Many of us feel proud for our track record as a ‘democratic’ country amidst our neighbors who have mostly been suppressed by the military dictators or old religious thugs pretending to have God’s blessings to lord over them. Pakistan was a country build up on the dreams of a secular idea by M.A.Jinnah yet the man could not see it grow and today it is a shattered nation completely in the grip of those who devalue their own father of nation. Today’s Pakistan is not a country what Jinnah visualized but a country where the forces of jingoism and fanaticism rules despite being ‘extra-state’ actors. It is these forces who are now becoming extraordinarily powerful in our countries as they have developed bullying tactics to get their thing done and get away with everything particularly if they happen to ‘represent’ the ‘majority’ communities.

Hence it was very difficult for the government of India to touch Bal Thackarey despite all his unconstitutional rhetoric as well as the violent activities which resulted out of his hate speeches and writings. Narendra Modi or Uma Bharati to Kalyan Singh, all ‘respected’ leaders of their party and future aspirants for various power positions of India yet we have no apologies about them and their action. Actually, state does not act except move slowly and by the time their issues come for justice, they are mostly no more. So, no political leader in India has got any punishment for spreading hatred on communal and caste lines. Hence when Owaisi is arrested his supporters cite example of Modi and Thackrey. Subsequently, when the Hindutva leaders are caught they will careful take up one two such cases where government has not acted and these issues become complimentary for political outfits using religion for their own purposes. The Hindutva hate mongers may not be in the ‘most wanted’ list of they are not ‘wanted’ internationally but definitely in the court of law they used the law for their own purposes. Then there are other members of the Parivar who have always used such tactics to intimidate the Muslims and Christians in the country. In Pakistan, these extra-state actors play dubious role of supporting Taliban in Afghanistan as well as linking the cause of Kashmir to Islamic revivalism in the valley. These extra state actors have full support from those in power because they speak the language which the power elite feel constrained to talk about and covertly support through various mechanism.

India and Pakistan are two unequal neighbors. Despite everything, historically too, India will remain an elder brother and there is nothing wrong in being elder except behaving elderly too is important for both of us. Circumstances have not made Pakistan a plural democratic political system like India but that cannot erase our common heritage that we have worked and build up in so many thousands years. We are different countries and societies just because of a law that separated us which is just 65 years old but our civilization is much older than the British Empire came here. How can the two people with same language, culture, idea are divided. Pakistan is not able to develop its democratic institutions strongly but my problem is with those who claim we have ‘better’ democracy. If Hina Rabbani Khar does not know how to speak as a foreign minister then one can understand very well that she does not come from a political background but Sushma Swaraj and her party’s political understanding and struggle should have made their reaction more mature and political rather than being simply jingoistic.

It is humiliating when our political class, intellectuals, media all jump in for closing every relationship with Pakistan. Why should you deny me listening to Ghulam Ali or why should Pakistanis not listen to Mohammdad Rafi or Lata Mangeskar. Amitabh Bachchan, Dilip Kumar, Sachin Tendulkar, Sunil Gavaskar, Imran Khan, Kapil Dev, Arundhati Roy, Faiz Ahemed Faiz, Firakh, Sahir, Mukesh, Kishore Kumar, Kaifi Azmi, Ali Sardar Jafari and the list is long are not confined to our boundaries but have transcended them. In the most oppressing moments of history, art, culture and sports have always united people.

It does not humiliate a Pakistan player when he is asked to leave from India as our officials say that we do not want to play with an ‘enemy’. It is insulting that the Indian state is not able to provide protection to their guests who represent their country but not necessarily support every political and military thought of their nation. How can you call a player an enemy? Can we call a competition between Jagjit Singh and Ghulam Ali a war between the two countries or is it a treat to listen to both of them. How can I call Faiz Ahmed Faiz or a player like Waseem Akram my enemy. For that matter, how can Faiz be put in the category of the hate mongers like Tahir Qadri. How can Sushma Swaraj and like her become voice of India?
It is the game that media has played to serve their own internal purposes and strengthened to boost some of those who enjoy and make money on the martyrdom of others. The media uses the deaths for their own marketing purposes and celebrate them. When soldiers die, we are filling their homes with money and other support but if he return home undead, serving the nation for over 35 years, he does not get that much of money. The capitalist media glorifies deaths and link it to ‘valor’. In today’s 24 hour TV world, it is the best ‘activity’ to boost our TRPs and hence every anchor become a ‘rabid rabble rouser’, much more dangerous than Owaisis and Qadris as they want to push words in the mouth of people and use them according to their own convenience. The world is not threatened by these loudmouths like Qadris, Owaisis or Thackarays, as they are part of ‘State apparatus’ who only speak the language the powerful state want them to speak and if they have out lived their utility then an action is taken but it is only done when the state realize that their presence and association with it is counter-productive and politically detrimental.

As an Indian it is shameful for me to hear that attempt are being made to send artists, writers, journalists and sports persons back to Pakistan simply in the name of their being ‘unwanted’. Even in the height of mistrust, it is these voices of dissent and of love and affection that open the small window of peace and togetherness. One must remember that those who make the biggest noise about nationalism are the most dangerous species as they are least ready to sacrifice themselves for the cause of the people. They only enjoy the sacrifices of others and use every moment of a brave man’s life for his nation, as politics of their parties. It is time that people to people contact must not be allowed to submit to such fascist nationalist forces whose only interest is to keep people subjugated. The people of Pakistan who want friendship with India and vice versa cannot be victimized because their political class is pushing the countries to war.

It is only important for us to remember that war has never ever resulted in any solution to any issue and it will only bring disasters and catastrophe in the region. It is more insulting for us as Indian if our hearts are not bigger in welcoming those people who we love to watch playing on the ground and listen live or on our TV studios and films. It is time, we learn that at the end of the day, we have to live in the same world and a war will never make it better and will keep us in perpetual hatred. Millions of people who love each other’s and have relations and are just divided because of ‘nationhood’ would be denied the basic human rights by this thin dividing line. Can we allow this and remain in perpetual war so that our generations do not grow and suffer in hunger and malnutrition further. An eye for an eye is never a solution and we need not only mature political diplomacy to handle such crisis but stronger people to people contact so that war mongers and their hate cries are defeated forever.

Tuesday, January 15, 2013

Vivekananda and his Vedantik values

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

The ‘nation’ is celebrating the 150th birthday of Swami Vivekananda. He is presented an icon of youth though he passed away at the young age of 38 suffering from over 30 odd diseases though he travelled across different parts of the world and gave lectures about ‘Indian Culture’. The ‘iconic’ and masculine photograph of Vivekananda in the saffron robe suites all the status quoists in India as despite his ‘radical’ speeches and writings, Vivekananda called to return to ‘Vedas’ and tried to find answers in the religious textbooks. He interpreted Hinduism in the most liberal way such as its faith in ‘multiculturalism’ and respecting diverse traditions. He was influenced with Buddha yet felt that Buddha’s path was of individual Nirvana without any comprehensive struggle but the fact remain that Buddha remain the biggest icon of India even when the mainstream brahmanical media does not accept that, it is a fact that Buddhism has grown world over, respected as well as accepted while Vivekananda’s own thoughts have never been accepted by those who claim to follow him at the moment.

There is no doubt that Vivekananda has often critiqued the Brahmanical system and condemned its belief of untouchability yet he could not challenge the supremacy of Vedas and Manusmriti. He interpreted them according to his own beliefs and understanding. He reminded Indians of the ‘great’ cultural legacy of Vedanta and talked of equality of human beings. He addressed various issues concerning our society and made his own reflections. Unfortunately, he could neither develop a people’s revolt against such practices nor he guided the destiny of people like many others did.

Vivekananda’s philosophical traits are full of contradiction but the most reactionary came from his view on women. Many in India are trying to portray him as great believer of gender equality but his ideal Indian woman is ‘Sita’ who ‘obey’ her husband and was committed to her family. He questioned the western feminist movement terming that there the women dresses like men and he could not accept that. Delivering a lecture on Ramayana in California in the year 1900 Vivekananda said,’
‘This is the great, ancient epic of India. Rama and Sita are the ideals of the Indian nation. All children, especially girls, worship Sita. The height of a woman's ambition is to be like Sita, the pure, the devoted, the all-suffering! When you study these characters, you can at once find out how different is the ideal in India from that of the West. For the race, Sita stands as the ideal of suffering. The West says, "Do! Show your power by doing." India says, "Show your power by suffering." The West has solved the problem of how much a man can have: India has solved the problem of how little a man can have. The two extremes, you see. Sita is typical of India — the idealised India. The question is not whether she ever lived, whether the story is history or not, we know that the ideal is there. There is no other Paurรขnika story that has so permeated the whole nation, so entered into its very life, and has so tingled in every drop of blood of the race, as this ideal of Sita. Sita is the name in India for everything that is good, pure and holy — everything that in woman we call womanly. If a priest has to bless a woman he says, "Be Sita!" If he blesses a child, he says "Be Sita!" They are all children of Sita, and are struggling to be Sita, the patient, the all-suffering, the ever-faithful, the ever-pure wife. Through all this suffering she experiences, there is not one harsh word against Rama. She takes it as her own duty, and performs her own part in it. Think of the terrible injustice of her being exiled to the forest! But Sita knows no bitterness. That is, again, the Indian ideal.

So, his ideal Indian woman suffers and do not question the wrongs like Sita. Can such perceptions be ideal for today’s India which is changing? Will a woman lose her ‘womanhood’ if she dressed ‘western attire’?

Vivekanand’s ‘historical’ speech at Chicago in 1893 was aimed at presenting Indian civilization as the ‘greatest’ civilization of the world. In fact, Indian civilization for him was Vedantik civilization and in a way, it was his presentation of ‘shining India’. He spoke against all evils but suggested that Vedanta has every answer to these evils ignoring deliberately the vast history of war for religious supremacy in India and how Buddhism was sought to be destroyed by the powerful Vaidik priests and their promoters. He said,’

‘Sectarianism, bigotry, and its horrible descendant, fanaticism, have long possessed this beautiful earth. They have filled the earth with violence, drenched it often and often with human blood, destroyed civilization, and sent whole nations to despair. Had it not been for these horrible demons, human society would be far more advanced than it is now? But their time is come; and I fervently hope that the bell that tolled this morning in honor of this convention may be the death-knell of all fanaticism, of all persecutions with the sword or with the pen, and of all uncharitable feelings between persons wending their way to the same goal.’
In fact, his beliefs on Vedantism were stronger than anything else. In a letter to Mohammed Sarfaraz Hussain, on June 10th, 1898, he explains what can make India a strong country.

‘Therefore I am firmly persuaded that without the help of practical Islam, theories of Vedantism, however fine and wonderful they may be, are entirely valueless to the vast mass of mankind. We want to lead mankind to the place where there is neither the Vedas, nor the Bible, nor the Koran; yet this has to be done by harmonising the Vedas, the Bible and the Koran. Mankind ought to be taught that religions are but the varied expressions of THE RELIGION, which is Oneness, so that each may choose that path that suits him best.

For our own motherland a junction of the two great systems, Hinduism and Islam — Vedanta brain and Islam body — is the only hope.

I see in my mind's eye the future perfect India rising out of this chaos and strife, glorious and invincible, with Vedanta brain and Islam body’

He believed that a universal religion of oneness can build by taking ‘good’ from everything. He acknowledged Islam’s work for equal society and spirit of sacrifice and commitment but at the end he focused thoroughly on Vedantik ‘brain’. Will any one accept that position of accepting the brahmanical supremacy?
Similarly, Vivekananda has been very forthright on caste question. He spoke about untouchability and condemned it the biggest curse but he felt that all those who are following it were never really following the Vedas or true Hinduism. In his work ‘India and her Problems’ Vivekananda even justify caste.

‘Caste is good. That is only natural way of solving life. Men must form themselves into groups, and you cannot get rid of that. Wherever you go there will be caste. But that does not mean that there should be these privileges. They should be knocked on the head. If you teach Vedanta to the fisherman, he will say, "I am as good a man as you, I am a fisherman, you are a philosopher, but I have the same God in me, as you have in you." And that is what we want, no privilege for anyone, equal chances for all; let everyone be taught that the Divine is within, and everyone will work out his own salvation. The days of exclusive privileges and exclusive claims are gone, gone forever from the soil of India’.
Further he says

‘To the non-Brahmana castes I say, wait, be not in a hurry. Do not seize every opportunity of fighting the Brahmana, because as I have shown; you are suffering from your own fault. Who told you to neglect spirituality and Sanskrit learning? What have you been doing all this time? Why have you been indifferent? Why do you now fret and fume because somebody else had more brains, more energy, more pluck and go than you? Instead of wasting your energies in vain discussions and quarrels in the newspapers, instead of fighting and quarreling in your own homes - which is sinful - use all your energies in acquiring the culture which the Brahmana has, and the thing is done. Why do you not become Sanskrit scholars? Why do you not spend millions to bring Sanskrit education to all the castes of India? That is the question. The moment you do these things, you are equal to the Brahmana! That is the secret power in India.’

It is ironical that Vivekananda never ever questioned the Manusmriti and Vaidik tests which justify caste system and gender discrimination. Yes, he was a more sophisticated version of imposing those age old rigid values on us. Today, attempts are being made to make him as an icon on us so that we continue to perpetrate the caste system. Those who claim to follow Vivekananda must at least respect what he said about Islam and caste system but the fact is that his own followers have obliterated these facts from their lives. None is interested in what he said on caste system and untouchability. The problem with them is that they use Vivekananda as part of their ‘shining’ India campaign and not to introspect on their fault line and develop a movement. People like Narendra Modi consider Islam as the biggest challenge contrary to the thoughts of Vivekananda. Till date there is not a single movement against untouchability and caste system by the caste Hindus. He want the others to follow Brahmins rather than fighting with them or questioning the religious values of that time.

The irony of Vivekananda is that unlike Ambedkar, Phule, Periyar and other icons of social justice, who questioned the very legitimacy of the religious texts of Hindus, Vivekananda became a counter revolutionary, a revivalist of brahmanical propaganda. He talked about injustices, caste hierarchy and untouchability but ultimately wanted to establish the supremacy of Vedas which were the fountainhead of discrimination. The absurdity of his arguments that the Dalits should study Sanskrit and become Brahmins can be found that not a single major temple in India has non Brahmin priests. And Dalit students even today face discrimination in studying Sanskrit and we have case studies for that. Vivekananda’s most superfluous argument was that you can make a fishermen a ‘brahmin’ but leave alone fishermen, we cannot find a single Kayastha becoming Brahmin despite their being very ‘knowledgeable’. Caste in India cannot be changed and is decided before you are born. It is surprising that Vivekananda has not spoken the ideological bankruptcy of the brahmanical scriptures. He never spoke as why Manu Smriti violates basic principles of justices. Instead he tried to justify them.

Even today, when political parties vie each other to fight and claim his legacy, Vivekananda means little to all those who were victim of brahmanical caste system and his views on ideal Indian womanhood are simply parochial and outdated. He is definitely a respected figure and reminded Brahmins and high caste Hindus their duties towards the most marginalized communities but if had questioned even on a single occasion the legitimacy of Shastras, he would have become a ‘revolutionary’ and the renaissance that he wanted would have happened during his life time. Alas, his views will only strengthen the fundamentalist forces in India and will take it further backward as no society can grow on these fictitious ‘granthas’ that legitimize discrimination and violence. Modern India will only strengthen when secular values of humanism and plurality with equitable distribution of power as well as opportunities to grow for every citizen of this country.

Friday, January 11, 2013

Dignified Alternatives



By Vidya Bhushan Rawat


It is disgraceful that the Elimination of Manual Scavenging Practices Bill has not been able to see the light of the day. There has been no concern shown by any political party. India’s biggest apartheid is hidden and ignored by the political class cutting across the party lines and this ‘don’t care attitude’ is visible with those who claim to work for the rights of Dalits and marginalized. There are no discussions on the issue in any of these identity forums. That is a tragedy of how we treat the most important issue of our time in utter contempt and neglect.

Our media would not cover the incident, as the journalists have no courage to see the ugly reality of our caste system and criminal society, which feels that it is the job of these ‘women’ to clean it. Long ago, an international channel had to postpone the shooting of this hidden apartheid of India as they were denied visa by the government.

International news agencies have been eager to understand as what will happen when the Bill comes for discussion in Parliament. Unfortunately, not much was discussed in the Indian media except for a few news items when the Supreme Court took note of it and felt agonized as why the Parliament has not yet passed the bill. Is it because Balmikis or manual scavengers are not a powerful ‘vote-bank’ for any political party? Will the rights and wrongs always be decided on the basis of number of people and their ‘political’ strength or on the basis of our horrible human right records in that front?

Therefore, it was a pleasant surprise when a French TV channel showed interest to visit us and see some of the changes that we have been able to make in district Fatehpur. We were clear that merely showing the pathetic side won’t work all the time. If we claim to have been working for years on the issue then it is time to show what alternatives we have been able to build for people.

The Garima Kendra, run by Social Development Foundation in the heart of Fatehpur city is in activation for the past three years and given new hope to young girls of Balmiki community. Many of them are learning computers and sewing while others are learning Zari work. So, our aim was to give a glimpse of how manual scavenging practices are still happening and how does the society perceive this and what could be the alternatives. It is the failure of us as a civil society to provide alternative, as depending on the government at all times will not get us anywhere.

The TV crew arrived in the morning and we all were on the mission to capture a glimpse of the work in a village Korba in Tehsil Bindaki. The village has a population of about two thousand five hundred. Situated 23 kilometers away from the district headquarter; the village has Muslims as the dominant community with other Dalit communities living on margin.

Sunita has already been out for her daily ‘farming’. Here most of the families use the term ‘Kisani’ for the manual scavenging work. A mother of 5 children, Sunita has pain her eyes as none has ever given a thought of her issues. She too is a woman of independent India but how many of the ‘Indian’ women have ever thought of her as her counterpart. She has a lot of problems with the work. She feels anguished and down, yet, there is no ‘option’ for her. Who will feed her children, is the question? What will be the future of her children?



“I am living this life for 25 years. It is death at every moment.” This is the gift of her mother in law who wanted to preserve the family tradition. The Muslim occupants there are not in great shape, yet, they feel that it is the ‘duty’ of Sunita and others like her to do the work.

“Who will do this work, if she does not do it”, said a family woman defending her right to keep the toilet.“Let the government provide us money and we will make it”.

“But if the government does not give you money then what would you do?” we asked.

“We will continue to get this work done by these people?”

“But don’t you think, this is a bad work, an inhuman practice to clean the shit of others?”

“Yes, it is bad. Then why don’t you clean your latrine yourself?”

And the woman laughs sheepishly.

“How can we do it?” And then the arrogant answer is “we pay them money in lieu of the work. They are not doing it free of cost. If we do not pay them, they will die of hunger. It is a work for which they are being paid.”



And this is the story of so many other places. Unfortunately they have the same arguments and behavior when exposed in public. The crowd gathers everywhere. Young boys gather and pass comments on the crew. Of course, not very harmful but realizing that they would be in trouble, they question us as why are we doing it. “We want the government to make new toilets for you so that you live a better life”, I tell one of them. “Ok, please tell the government to do it fast.” So, people want better facilities for themselves but not for a moment they feel the pain of another person. That the particular work is meant for a particular community is the most gruesome reality of our time.

And in this humiliating practice of caste discrimination and untouchability, we have found Muslim localities are no less responsible than others. Here Muslim elite also behave like caste Hindus. The economic condition of these Muslim families is not very great, yet, the mind of a caste Hindu exists inside them when they treat the Balmiki women in utter contempt. There is no apology or anguish if you find a 15-year-old girl engaged in this inhuman practice. And many of them have been doing it for years. The government has not reached them. The civil society is the upper caste monster in India. India is in a crisis and need a bigger surgery.



Two diverse values, yet, when the issue of untouchability comes, Muslims too treat the Dalits as untouchables, though as a religion Islam does not sanctify any kind of discrimination based on caste and untouchability; yet it is frequent. In fact, manual scavenging is prevalent in the areas with larger Muslim population as their economic condition is difficult but social taboos force women to remain inside. With their inability to build up flushed latrines, they are compelled to get these lowly paid manual scavengers. The compensation for cleaning human excreta with hand is about Rs 20/- per month per family. In such a harrowing situation where keeping a ‘toilet’ has become ‘honor’ but keeping women who clean your shit is a proud position, how can we think that there could be any saner debate on the issue of manual scavenging?

People don’t even think that this work needs to be abolished and that these fateful women are doing a thing, which doesn’t exist anywhere in the civilized world. Government of India has failed to eradicate it as they do not know what alternative could be given to the people and most of the governments’ funds are embezzled in bureaucratic issues. The government actually can provide funds but that does not come from heart. It tackles the issue economically and not as a social concern.

Manual scavenging is an issue related to not only our divisive and discriminatory caste system but also violates the basic principles of human dignity and human rights. The problem is that the people from manual scavenging community face discrimination daily and cannot opt for any profession of their choice as caste based prejudices are very high. In many places, in the government schools, when the former manual scavengers who had left their ‘traditional’ occupation were given a job as cook, the students refused to eat food cooked by them. The caste Hindus withdrew their children from the school.

Alternative model

Fatehpur has seen lot of caste violence in the past. The district is predominantly situated on the banks of Yamuna between Kanpur and Allahabad. The conditions remain difficult and hence when Dheeraj Kumar and his team started working for the rights of the Community, it changed the perception as the voices were from within the community. The young got motivated when Social Development Foundation started a Garima Kendra exclusively for women who left manual scavenging and their children. Of course, it also engaged the most impoverish Muslim women working on Zardosi. So the Zardosi women, working for their daily bread, sat with Dalit women giving rise to a new movement. There are initial hitch ups, as caste discrimination has not left Muslims too despite all claims of equality in Islam.



Muslim women, who knew Zari work, has started coming to our center and starting working. The Dalit women who left their manual scavenging work has also started coming and learning the Zari work. Many of them are learning sewing too. Some girls are learning computer skills also.

The impact is very high. The demand for learning sewing and zari work is growing in Fatehpur. The Garima Kendra i.e. ‘Dignity Centre’ has been supported by us. In the past three years, over 300 women have left manual scavenging work in 10 Gram Sabhas. Many of them have now linked themselves with dignity movement and learning sewing and Zari work.



Our attempt is to reach their villages so that they do not need to travel far away from their homes. More than 20 girls from the community have learnt computer in last one year. 10 women, who had left manual scavenging and have been coming from faraway places, have completely learnt sewing and can do their own work. Some of them are also getting work from the market. The women who are engaged in Zardosi work too are now gaining a new confidence. The process for formation of a union is on though it is difficult because of various religious circumstances, yet, daily 60 women come to learn and work at the center, which is remarkable. In the two shifts, Garima Kendra actually gave them the opportunity to look inwards and fight for their right. They are organizing and we are hopeful that a union of the Zardosi workers would be formed for their rights.



The Garima Kendra has given hope to both Muslim women, who are working for their livelihood and preserving our art of Zari, and the Dalit women who were engaged in manual scavenging and have left their work looking for dignified alternatives. Their only wish is that if such support remains continuous for at least five years, they would grow in a much better way. It is a great achievement. Many have designed Zari work. They may not be experts but they are designing cloths. My wish is to have an exhibition of the work being done by them at certain point of time.

There is lesson for all of us that positive work will pave the way. It does not mean that we should not fight for our rights from the government and authorities but we cannot totally depend on the government. Let us have our own initiatives so that the discriminatory practice of untouchability and caste becomes history. It may be a tall claim but then we cannot really struggle against anything which is impossible’. The battle for a better alternative human life has just begun.

Tuesday, January 08, 2013

Marketing Victimhood


By Vidya Bhushan Rawat


It is not surprising that BJP leader Sushma Swaraj has asked for Ashok Chakra to be given to the victim of Delhi rape case who died in Singapore. Now, she has been made an ‘iconic figure’ and her ‘sacrifice’ is being ‘projected’ as inspiring for a society which is still afraid of revealing her ‘identity’. Though her father has revealed her name in an interview to a British Daily yet it is shocking that he himself suggested that she never thought of marriage to her ‘boyfriend’ as both of them belonged to different castes. Unambiguously, Sushma Swaraj and BJP have shown their dirty side of politicizing an entire issue and making political gain out of it. Rather than addressing the root of the cause, they still reinforce the misogynist values of our society.

Ashok chakra is the highest civilian honor given for Supreme sacrifice for the country. The girl who was raped in Delhi was bold and wanted to live life. She was a normal girl with simple dreams and needed justice. She is no more and though she has become a rallying point to revive the age old debate of violence against women and gender discrimination in our society. She became victim of our systematic failure and hence cannot really be put in the category of the Ashoka Chakra awardee. Rather than thinking of awards on the girl, it would be better if we focus on justice delivery and making our public space decriminalized. It is also important to ensure safety of women at home and that is only possible through a sustained and reasonable public debate.

But is any reasoned debate possible in a society where the right wing ‘nationalist’ smell danger of their survival. Moreover, the sustained debate some time blur the thin line of sex and rape as if sex is crime and all those who talk of freedom of body and mind deserve to be treated like ‘prostitutes’. The problem with such a mindset is that they feel that ‘prostitutes’ have no rights and that they can be raped at will. It is important to understand why ‘rape’ laws are ‘explained’ in term of ‘outraging’ women’s ‘modesty’ because all related to the fact that social system defined by the power elite ensured that a woman remain guilty for ever once she was violated. That is why the provision of hiding her name continuously even when we wanted her to be a role model without any question being asked as how do you give a Ashoka Chakra to woman whose name is invisible and remain unknown?

Today, the debate is taking a new turn on the women’s right. And that is why we are now witnessing numerous reactions from the right wing forces about it. It is not surprising when Vibha Rao, the chairperson of Chhattishgarh Women’s Commission says that ‘women are responsible for the violence and rape on them as they dress ‘attractively’ and should know their limit. In fact, Vibha Rao heads a commission which should ensure women’s safety and well-being but then how can she go beyond the ‘lakshmanrekha’ drawn by her parental organization, the RSS. She has virtually condemned the aadivasi life style when she says that once you have sex before marriage or beyond one individual, you lose your right to complain. One can understand the fear of blackmail in many cases as happened many times on Dowry related cases but why can’t we promote the idea that man and woman do not seize to be man and woman after marriage. Their individual identities must remain irrespective of their marriage.

The RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has not spoken anything absurd as we all know the Sangh put its foot in mouth after deep deliberation. India, for Savarkar, is the holy land of Hindus; it is their ‘pitrabhumi’, their father land. And in their definition, the Sangh has clearly based its theory on Aryan theory of superiority of Varna and values enshrined on the basis of Manu Smriti. During the 1990s when the Ayodhya movement was growing the Sangh sponsored Saints had developed a constitution of their own based on ‘Manu dharmshastra’ which will promote the idea of ‘vaidik dharma’ and Sanatan Dharma where women will be idolized like ‘Sita’. An ideal woman is one who follows her husband like ‘Sita’ and does not question her man. It is clear when Bhagwat said that marriage is a ‘social contract’ where man has to earn for livelihood and woman has to take care of family and home and that is why any woman’ violating’ this norm is not a woman of ‘substance’ for the Sangh Parivar and its ideologues. That is why we the Hindutva women justifying every statement of their parents organization and speaking only on an individual cases as well as ‘tougher’ laws to deal with ‘rapes’ and ‘violence’ against women.

Mohan Bhagwat’s mindset is clearly known to all of us. He has raised the issue that ‘rapes’ are modern ‘phenomena’ and happens only in ‘India’ while all these things were ‘unknown’ in ‘Bharat’. Well, India is governed under the modern secular constitution and therefore most of the cases are filed and get into limelight while ‘Bharat’ is still ruled by ‘khap-panchayats’ and caste hierarchies where no report is accepted in the police thana. In Bharat, women are not expected to go out independently and as long as she is submissive they will ‘protect’ her and fight for ‘her right’ but sooner she ascertain her independence they would lose no time in terming her ‘characterless’. Mohan Bhagwat and his mindset feel the biggest threat in the form of women’s liberty which is possible only when India is coming close to world civilizations and people are asking questions and thinking about them. Now, the girls are going to colleges, in institutions and asking questions which is the bone of contention for the Hindutva world view as they have realized that women’s independence is a threat to our ‘social values’. What are those ‘social values’ that you have to pretend that you know lesser than your husbands or male wards, you have to cook the best food for them, you have to feel proud if your husband beat you, you have to produce more children so that the ‘Muslim’ population does not grow more than you.
The religious fanatics feel the biggest threat in women’s identity. Lot of debates were happening about what is violence and even marital violence but one question was missing that as long as religion play leading role in our life women can never claim for independence. How is anyone who take oath under a priest whether Hindu-Muslim or Christian, ever consider a woman equal to man. Most of these religions actually justify ‘marital’ sexual violence. The religious values have clearly mentioned that a woman cannot really say know to ‘her’ husband and must please him. These values are superimposed through our films and mass media. If anyone want to know more about women’s right and how they should live can procure some of these ‘publications’ which are making huge profit out of our religiosity and ignorance.

The continuous focus on ‘Women’s issues have threatened the status quoists and that is why the issue of culture and customs are now coming up as they would like the issue to be confined to ‘rape’ cases so that the age old prejudices remain untouched and unaccountable. Bigger discussion on women’s right is threatening these fanatics who are raising the fictitious issues of those divides which exits in India. There is no doubt that there is an urban rural divide but the fact is also true that our rural hinterland is devastated by caste hierarchies and is a true reflection of the caste based social order where women meant nothing.

The girl who was raped need justice even when she is no more. She has ignited people’s mind at the moment and brought all the likeminded forces together and hence this opportunity should not go in vein. Her death has become a rallying point and the fire must burn to bring all the related issues including sexuality, consensual sex, rights of the child, issue of dalits and aadivasi women and more. Just focusing on her individual cases and seeking its remedy through the ‘constitutional’ legal matters while keeping your misogynist cultural values alive would not bring any change and women will continue to suffer in such a situation. Therefore it is time to call bluff to all these fundamentalists who want to divert our attention from the larger issues of women’s equality and confine us to debate an individual case as if this is a Congress BJP issue or confine to one particular city or state. Violence against women and her systematic oppression is part of cultural values of South Asia and need a massive mass movement to eliminate this caste and gender based discrimination and violence. Until then there should not be any full stop on our resisting voices.





Monday, January 07, 2013


เคตिเคฆ्เคฏा เคญूเคทเคฃ เคฐाเคตเคค

เคฎोเคนเคจ เคญเค—เคตเคค เค•เคนเคคे เคนैं เค•े เคฎเคนिเคฒाเค“ เคชเคฐ เคนिंเคธा เค‡ंเคกिเคฏा เค•ा เคซिเคจाเคฎिเคจा เคนै เค”เคฐ เค…เคชเคจा เคญाเคฐเคค เคคो 'เคฎเคนाเคจ' เคนै। เคฏเคน เคคो เคชเคถ्เคšिเคฎी เคธंเคธ्เค•ृเคคि เค•ा เค…เคธเคฐ เคนै เคœो เคนเคฎाเคฐे เคฏเคนाँ เคนिंเคธा เคนो เคฐเคนी เคนै เคจเคนीं เคคो เคนเคฎ เคคो 'เคงเคฐ्เคฎ' เค•े เคธाเคถाเคจाเคงीเคจ เคฅे เคจ। เคชเคคा เคจเคนीं, เคนเคฎाเคฐी เค–ाเคช เคชंเคšाเคฏเคคे เค•िเคคเคจो เค•ो เคชी เค—เคฏी เคนैं เค•े เคชुเคฒिเคธ เคฅाเคจों เคฎें เคถिเค•ाเคฏเคคे เคญी เคฆเคฐ्เคœ เคจเคนीं เคนोเคคी। เคฎเคคเคฒเคฌ เคฏเคน เค•े เคนिंเคธा เค”เคฐ เคฌเคฒाเคค्เค•ाเคฐ เคคเคญी เคฎाँเคจे เคœाเคฏेंเค—े เคœเคฌ เคชुเคฒिเคธ เคฎें เคฐिเคชोเคฐ्เคŸ เคนोเค—ी เค…เคจ्เคฏเคฅा เค‰เคธเค•ा เคฎเคคเคฒเคฌ เคฏเคน เค•े เคนเคฎाเคฐी เค—ाँเคต เคฎें เคงเคฐ्เคฎ เค•ा เคฐाเคœ्เคฏ เคนै। เคตाเค•เคˆ เคฎें เคนเคฎเคฐे เค—ाँเคต เคฎें เคงเคฐ्เคฎ เค•ी เคธเคค्เคคा เคšเคฒเคคी เคนै เค”เคฐ เค‰เคธเค•ा เคตिเคฐोเคง เคนोเคจे เคชเคฐ เคธเคœाเคฏे เคฎौเคค เคนोเคคी เคนै เค”เคฐ เค‰เคธเค•ा เคชเคคा เคญी เคจเคนीं เคšเคฒเคคा। เค†เคœ เคญी เค—ाँเคต เคฎें เคœो เคนो เคฐเคนा เคนै เคตोเคน เคเค• เคชเคฐเคฆे เค•े เคญीเคคเคฐ เค›ुเคชा เคนुเค† เคนै เค”เคฐ เค‰เคธเค•ी เค–เคฌเคฐ เคคเค• เคจเคนीं เคฒเค—เคคी। เค†เค–िเคฐ เคคुเคฒเคธी เค•ी เคธाเคฎंเคคी เคฎाเคจเคธिเค•เคคा เคจे เคฌिเคจा เคฆेเค–े เคนी เคฅोเคก़े เคฒिเค–ा เค•े 'เคขोเคฒ เค—ंเคตाเคฐ เคถुเคฆ्เคฐ เคชเคถु เคจाเคฐी, เคธเค•เคฒ เคคाเคก़เคจा เค•े เค…เคงिเค•ाเคฐी'.

เคฎोเคนเคจ เค•เคนเคคे เคนैं เค•े เคถाเคฆी เคธाเคฎाเคœिเค• เค—เค เคฌंเคงเคจ เคนै เคœो เคชुเคฐुเคท เค”เคฐ เคธ्เคค्เคฐी เค•े เคฌीเคš เคนोเคคा เคนै เคœिเคธเคฎे เคชुเคฐुเคท เค•ी เคœिเคฎ्เคฎेเคตाเคฐी เค•เคฎाँ เค•เคฐ เคฒाเคจा เค”เคฐ เคฎเคนिเคฒा เค•ी เคฌเคš्เคšे เค”เคฐ เค˜เคฐ เคธंเคญाเคฒเคจा เคนै। เค…เค—เคฐ เคถाเคฆी เคธाเคฎाเคœिเค• เค•ॉเคจ्เคŸ्เคฐैเค•्เคŸ เคนै เคคो เค‰เคธเค•े เคจा เคšเคฒเคจे เคชเคฐ เค‰เคธเค•ो เคคोเคก़เคจे เคฎें เค‡เคคเคจा เคญเคฏเคญीเคค เค•्เคฏों เคนोเคคे เคนैं เคนเคฎाเคฐे เคฐเคนเคจुเคฎा। เค…เค—เคฐ [เคชुเคฐुเคท เค…เคชเคจे เค•เคฐ्เคค्เคคเคต्เคฏ เค•ो เคจเคนीं เคชूเคฐा เค•เคฐ เคฐเคนे เคคो เคถाเคฆी เค•ा เค•ॉเคจ्เคŸ्เคฐैเค•्เคŸ เค–़เคค्เคฎ เคนो เคœाเคจा เคšाเคนिเค เคฒेเค•िเคจ เคตोเคน เคนोเคคा เคจเคนीं। เคฏเคน เค—เค เคฌंเคงเคจ เคฌेเคฎेเคฒ เคนै เคœเคนाँ เคเค• เคชाเคฐ्เคŸเคจเคฐ เค•े เคชाเคธ เค•ोเคˆ เคคाเค•เคค เคจเคนीं เคนै เค”เคฐ เคตोเคน เคงाเคฐ्เคฎिเค• เคชเคฐเคฎเคฐाเค“ เค•ो เคงोเคคी เคนुเคˆ เคฒुเคŸเคคी เคฐเคนเคคी เคนै เค”เคฐ เคชुเคฐुเคท เค…เคชเคจा เคชुเคฐुเคทाเคฐ्เคฅ เคฆिเค–ाเคคे เคนैं। เค†เค–िเคฐ เคนเคฎ เคฐाเคฎ เค•ो เคชुเคฐुเคถाเคฐเคคी เคฏा เค†เคฆเคฐ्เคถ เคชुเคฐुเคท เค•्เคฏों เคฎाเคจเคคे เคนैं। เค”เคฐ เคœเคฌ เคคเค• เคนเคฎाเคฐे เค†เคฆเคฐ्เคถ เคขเค•ोเคธเคฒे เค”เคฐ เคूเคŸ เคชเคฐ เค†เคงाเคฐिเคค เคนोंเค—े เคคो เค•ोเคˆ เคจ्เคฏाเคฏ เค•ी เค‰เคฎ्เคฎीเคฆ เค•ैเคธे เค•เคฐ เคธเค•เคคा เคนै।

เคฆिเคฒ्เคฒी เค•ी เค˜เคŸเคจा เค•े เคฌाเคฆ เคธे เคนी เคฎเคนिเคฒाเค“ं เค•ा เคธเคตाเคฒ เค…เคฌ เคฎुเค–्เคฏ เคฌเคจ เคšूเค•ा เคนै เค”เคฐ เค‡เคธ เคชเคฐ เคต्เคฏाเคชเค• เคฌเคนเคธ เคนै। เคธंเค˜ เค‡เคธ เคฌเคนเคธ เค•ो เค•ेเคตเคฒ เคฌเคฒाเคค्เค•ाเคฐ เคคเค• เคธीเคฎिเคค เคฐเค–เคจा เคšाเคนเคคा เคนै เค”เคฐ เค‡เคธเค•ो เค•ेंเคฆ्เคฐ เคธเคฐ्เค•ाเคฐ เค”เคฐ เค•ांเค—्เคฐेเคธ เคคเค• เคธीเคฎिเคค เค•เคฐ เคต्เคฏाเคชเค• เคฎुเคฆ्เคฆे เคธे เคง्เคฏाเคจ เคฌंเคŸाเคจा เคšाเคนเคคा เคนै। เค‡เคธเคฒिเค เคธुเคทเคฎा เคธ्เคตเคฐाเคœ เค‰เคธ เคฒเคก़เค•ी เค•ो ' เค…เคถोเค• เคšเค•्เคฐ' เคฆेเคจे เค•ी เคฌाเคค เค•เคนเคคी เคนैं เคœैเคธे เคฏเคน เคชुเคฐुเคธ्เค•ाเคฐ เค•िเคธी เค•े เคฌเคฒाเคค्เค•ाเคฐ เคนोเคจे เคชเคฐ เคฆिเค เคœाเคคे เคนों। เคช्เคฐเคถ्เคจ เคฏเคนाँ เคชเคฐ เคญเคฐी เคชुเคฐुเคธ्เค•ाเคฐ เคฏा เค•ाเคจूเคจ เค•े เคจाเคฎ เค•ाเคฐเคจ เค•ी เคจเคนीं เคนै เค…เคชिเคคु เคจ्เคฏाเคฏ เค•ी เคนै। เคนเคฎाเคฐा เคธเคฎाเคœ, เคนเคฎाเคฐी เคธเคฐเค•ाเคฐ เค”เคฐ เคนเคฎाเคฐी เคตเคฏเคตเคธ्เคฅा เคšเคฐเคฎเคฐा เค—เคฏी เคนै เค”เคฐ เค‰เคธเค•ा เคœเคตाเคฌ เคฆेเคจा เคœเคฐुเคฐी เคนै। เคฏเคน เคญाเคœเคชा เคฏा เค•ांเค—्เคฐेเคธ เค•ा เค…เคฅเคตा เคฆिเคฒ्เคฒी เคฏा เคฎुंเคฌเคˆ เค•ा เคจเคนीं เคนै, เคช्เคฐเคถ्เคจ เคฏเคน เคนै เค•े เคนเคฎाเคฐे เคธเคฎाเคœ เคฎें เคฎเคนिเคฒाเค“ं เค•े เคช्เคฐเคถ्เคจ เค•ैเคธे เคฐเคนेंเค—े เค”เคฐ เค•्เคฏा เคนเคฎ เคˆเคฎाเคจเคฆाเคฐी เคธे เค‰เคจเค•े เค‰เคค्เคคเคฐ เคขूँเคขเคจे เค•ी เค•ोเคถिเคถ เค•เคฐेंเค—े เคญी เคฏा เคจเคนीं

เค†เคถा เคฐाเคฎ เคฌाเคชू เค•เคน เคฐเคนे เคนैं เค•े เคฌเคฒाเคค्เค•ाเคฐ เค•े เคฒिเค เคตเคน เคฒเคก़เค•ी เคœिเคฎ्เคฎेเคตाเคฐ เคฅी เค”เคฐ เคฏเคฆि เคตเคน เค‰เคจ เคฒเคกเค•ो เค•ो เคญाเคˆ เค•เคน เคฆेเคคी เคฏा เค‰เคจเคธे เคญीเค– เคฎांเค— เคฒेเคคी เคคो เคฌเคš เคœाเคคी . เคฏเคน เค‰เคธी เคฎाเคจเคธिเค•เคคा เค•ी เคธोเคš เคนै เคœो เค•เคนเคคे เคนैं เคฒเคก़เค•ी เค•ो เคœुเคฌाเคจ เคšเคฒเคจे เค•ा เคนเค•़ เคจเคนीं เคฏा เค‰เคธे เค…เคชเคจी เคฌाเคค เค•เคนเคจे เค•ा เค…เคงिเค•ाเคฐ เคจเคนीं। เค†เคถाเคฐाเคฎ เคœी เคฏเคฆि เคฌाเคค เค‡เคคเคจी เค†เคธाเคจ เคนो เคคो เคธเคญी เคฒเคก़เค•िเคฏों เค•ो เคฐाเค–ी เค•ा เคงाเค—ा เค…เคชเคจे เคชเคฐ्เคธ เคฎें เคฐเค–เคจे เค•े เคฒिเค เคคाเค•ि เคตे เคธुเคฐเค•्เคทเคคि เคฐเคนें। เค…เคฌ เคเค• เคจเคฏा เคงंเคงा เคšเคฒा เคนै เค•े เคญाเคฐเคค เคฎें เคชเคš्เค›िเคฎी เคธंเคธ्เค•ृเคคि เคฌเคข़ เคฐเคนी เคนै เค‡เคธเคฒिเค เคเคธा เคนो เคฐเคนा เคนै।

เคชूเคฐी เคฌเคนเคธ เคฏเคนाँ เคคเค• เคชเคนुँเคš เค—เคฏी เคนै เคฎเคจो เคธेเค•्เคธ เคฌเคนुเคค เคฌเคก़ा เค…เคชเคฐाเคง เคนै เค”เคฐ เคธेเค•्เคธ เค”เคฐ เคฌเคฒाเคค्เค•ाเคฐ เคฎें เค•ोเคˆ เค…ंเคคเคฐ เค•เคฐเคจा เคนी เคฌเคนुเคค เคฎुเคถ्เค•िเคฒ เคนो เค—เคฏा เคนै। เคจैเคคिเค•เคคा เค•े เคชुเคœाเคฐी เค…เคฌ เคนเคฎाเคฐे เคฌेเคกเคฐूเคฎ เคคเค• เคांเค•ेंเค—े เค”เคฐ เค•เคนेंเค—े เค•े เค•्เคฏा เคช्เคฏाเคฐ เคนै เค”เคฐ เค•्เคฏा เค…เคชเคฐाเคง। เคนเคฎें เคธंเคญเคฒ เค•เคฐ เค‡เคจ เคช्เคฐเคถ्เคจों เค•ो เคฆेเค–เคจा เคนै เค•्เคฏोंเค•ि เค…เคฌ เคนเคฎाเคฐी เคธाเคฎंเคคी เคฎाเคจเคธिเค•เคคा เค•ा เคชเคฐ्เคฆाเคซाเคธ เคนो เคฐเคนा เคนै เค”เคฐ เคธंเค˜ เค”เคฐ เค‰เคธเค•े เคฌเคนुเคฆेเคตเคคा เค‡เคธเคฒिเค เค…เคฌ เค…เคชเคจी เคœुเคฌाเคจ เค–ोเคฒเคจे เคฒเค—े เคนैं เค•्เคฏोंเค•ि เคชเคนเคฒे เคคो เคตे เค•ेเคตเคฒ เคฆिเคฒ्เคฒी เคตाเคฒी เค˜เคŸเคจा เค•े เคชเคฐिเคชेเค•्เคท्เคฏ เคฎें เคฌाเคค เค•เคฐ เคซांเคธी เค†เคฆि เค•ी เคธเคœा เค•ी เคฌाเคค เค•เคฐ เคฐเคนे เคฅे เคฒेเค•िเคจ เคœเคฌ เคฒเค—ा เค•ी เคฌเคนเคธ เคธे เคนिंเคฆुเคค्เคต เค•ा เคชूเคฐा เคŸाเคฏเคฐ เคซเคŸ เคœाเคฏेเค—ा เคคो เคจाเค—เคชुเคฐ เคตाเคฒो เคจे เคนोเคถ เคธंเคญाเคฒा เค”เคฐ เค…เคชเคจी เคฌाเคค เคฐเค– เคฏเคนी เคฆी। เคธเคตाเคฒ เคฏเคน เคนैं เค•ी เคฎเคนिเคฒा เคนिंเคธा เค•ा เคช्เคฐเคถ्เคจ เคฌเคนुเคค เคต्เคฏाเคชเค• เคนै เค”เคฐ เค‡เคธเค•ो เคงเคฐ्เคฎो เค•ी เคŠเคชเคฐ เคฆेเค–เคจा เคชเคก़ेเค—ा เค”เคฐ เคœเคนाँ เคชเคฐ เคงाเคฐ्เคฎिเค• เค•ाเคจूเคจों เค•ो เคšुเคจोเคคी เคฆेเคจी เคนो เคตเคนां เคฆेเคจी เคชเคก़ेเค—ी। เคฒेเค•िเคจ เค‰เคธเคธे เคชเคนเคฒे เคนเคฎें เคธेเค•्เคธ เค•ो เคชाเคช เค•เคนเคจे เคธे เคฐोเค•เคจा เคนोเค—ा। เคฏเคฆि เคธेเค•्เคธ เคชाเคช เคนै เคคो 2 เค…เคฐเคฌ เคญाเคฐเคคीเคฏ เคฒोเค— เคชाเคชी เคนैं เค”เคฐ เค‰เคจเค•ो เคฌाเคค เค•เคฐเคจे เค•ा เคนเค• เคจเคนीं। เคฎैं เคฏเคน เคฌाเคค เค‡เคธเคฒिเค เค•เคฐ เคฐเคนा เคนूँ เค•े เคงเคฐ्เคฎ เค•े เค ेเค•ेเคฆाเคฐ เคฏเคน เคนी เคšाเคนเคคे เคนैं เค•े เคฎเคนिเคฒा เคนिंเคธा เค•ो เคธेเค•्เคธ เคธे เคœोเคก़เค•เคฐ เค‰เคธเค•े เค…เคงिเค•ाเคฐों เคชเคฐ เค…เคคिเค•्เคฐเคฎเคฃ เค•िเคฏा เคœाเค। เคธेเค•्เคธ เค”เคฐ เคฌเคฒाเคค्เค•ाเคฐ เคนोเคจे เคชเคฐ เคฎเคนिเคฒा เค•ी 'เค…เคธ्เคฎिเคคा' เค”เคฐ 'เค…เคฌเคฐू' เคฒुเคŸเคจे เค•ी เคฌाเคค เค…เคฌ เคฌंเคฆ เคนोเคจी เคšाเคนिเค เค•्เคฏोंเค•ि เคฏเคน เคฎเคนिเคฒा เค•ो เค”เคฐ เคช्เคฐเคคाเคก़िเคค เค•เคฐเคคे เคนैं। เคธेเค•्เคธ เคเค• เคต्เคฏเค•्เคคि เคšाเคนे เคฎเคนिเคฒा เคนो เคฏा เคชुเคฐुเคท เค‰เคจเค•ा เคต्เคฏเค•्เคคिเค—เคค เค…เคงिเค•ाเคฐ เคนै เค”เคฐ เค…เคชเคจी เคธเคนเคฎเคคी เคธे เคตे เคฏเคน เค•เคฐ เคธเค•เคคे เคนैं เคฒेเค•िเคจ เคจैเคคिเค•เคคा เค•े เคชुเคœाเคฐी เค…เคชเคจी เคธाเคฎंเคคी เคธोเคš เค•ो เคฅोเคชเคจे เค•े เคฒिเค เค…เคตเคธเคฐ เคคเคฒाเคถเคคे เคนैं। เค†เคœ เคฆिเคฒ्เคฒी เค•ी เค˜เคŸเคจा เคจे เคนเคฐेเค• เคฎเค ाเคงीเคถ เค•ो เค…เคชเคจी เคฌाเคค เค•เคนเคจे เค”เคฐ เค—ंเค—ाเคœเคฒ เคฎें เคนाเคฅ เคงोเคจे เค•े เค…เคตเคธเคฐ เคฆिเค เคนैं เคœเคนाँ เคฐाเคฎเคฆेเคต เคธे เคฒेเค•เคฐ เค†เคธाเคฐाเคฎ เคคเค• เค•ुเคš्เค› เคจ เค•ुเค› เค•เคน เคฐเคนे เคนैं।

เค†เคœ เคนเคฎें เคฎเคนिเคฒाเค“ं เค•े เคช्เคฐเคถ्เคจ เคชเคฐ เคฌाเคค เค•เคฐเคคे เคธเคฎเคฏ เค…เคชเคจी เคธंเคธ्เค•ृเคคि เค”เคฐ เคงाเคฐ्เคฎिเค• เค—्เคฐंเคฅो เค•ा เคชुเคจเคฐ्เคชाเค  เค•เคฐเคจा เคนोเค—ा เคคाเค•ि เคธเคฎाเคœ เค•े เคธाเคฎเคจे เค•เคŸु เคธเคš เค‰เคœाเค—เคฐ เคนो เคธเค•े เคฌเคฐเคฌเคฐी เค•े เคฒिเค เค•ोเคˆ เคญी เคœंเค— เคงเคฐ्เคฎो เค•ी เคšिเคคा เค•े เคฌिเคจा เคธंเคญเคต เคจเคนीं เคนै। เคฎเคนिเคฒाเคं เคงเคฐ्เคฎो เค•ी 'เคฐเค•्เคทเค•' เคนैं เค‰เคจเคธे 'เคธเคฎाเคœ' เคšเคฒเคคा เคนै เค”เคฐ 'เคชเคฐिเคตाเคฐ' เคฌเคจเคคे เคนैं เค‡เคธเคฒिเค เค‡เคจ เคธเคญी เค•ो 'เคฌเคšाเคจे' เค•े เคฒिเค เค•़ुเคฐเคฌाเคจी เค•ी เคœเคฐुเคฐเคค เคนोเคคी เคนै เค”เคฐ เคตो เคธเคญी เคงเคฐ्เคฎเคชเคฐाเคฏเคฃ เคฒोเค— เคฆे เคฐเคนे เคนैं। เค†เคœ เคœเคฐुเคฐเคค เคนै เค‡เคจ เคฐीเคคि เคฐिเคตाเคœो เค”เคฐ เคชเคฐเคฎเคชเคฐाเค“ เค•ो เคคोเคก़เคจे เค•ी เค”เคฐ เค‰เคจเคนे เค›ोเคก़เคจे เค•ी เคคाเค•ि เคจเค เคญाเคฐเคค เค•ा เคจिเคฐ्เคฎाเคฃ เคนो। เคฏเคน เคจिเคฐ्เคฎाเคฃ เคฎเคจुเคตाเคฆ เค•ो เคชूเคฐ्เคฃเคคเคฏा เคง्เคตเคธ्เคค เค•िเคฏे เคฌिเคจा เคธंเคญเคต เคจเคนीं เคนै। เคฎเคนिเคฒाเค“ं เค•ी เค†เคœ़ाเคฆी เค•ा เคช्เคฐเคถ्เคจ เคธांเคธ्เค•ृเคคिเค• เคงाเคฐ्เคฎिเค• เคชเคฐเคฎ्เคชเคฐเค“ เค•ो เค›ेเคก़े เคฌिเคจा เคธंเคญเคต เคจเคนीं เคนै เค”เคฐ เคœो เคฒोเค— เค‰เคธे เค•ेเคตเคฒ 'เคฌเคฒाเคค्เค•ाเคฐ' เค”เคฐ เค‰เคธเค•ी เคซांเคธी เคคเค• เคธीเคฎिเคค เคฐเค–เคจा เคšाเคนเคคे เคนै เคตे เค”เคฐเคค เค•ी เค†เคœ़ाเคฆी เค•े เคธเคฌเคธे เคฌเคก़े เคฆुเคถ्เคฎเคจ เคนैं เค•्เคฏोंเค•ि เคตे 'เคชเคตिเคค्เคฐเคคा' เค”เคฐ 'เคธเคคीเคค्เคต' เคชเคฐ เคช्เคฐเคถ्เคจ เคญी เค–เคก़ा เคจเคนीं เค•เคฐเคจा เคšाเคนเคคे เค•्เคฏोंเค•ि เค…ंเคค เคฎें เคฌเคฒाเคค्เค•ाเคฐी เค•ो เคšाเคนे เคฎृเคคु เคฆंเคก เคนो เคฏा เค†เคœीเคตเคจ เค•ाเคฐเคตाเคถ, เค‰เคค्เคชीเคกिเคค เคฎเคนिเคฒा เคคो 'เคœिเคจ्เคฆा เคฒाเคถ' เคฌเคจ เค•เคฐ เคนी เคฐเคนेเค—ी เค•्เคฏोंเค•ि เคฎเคจुเคตाเคฆ เค•ी เคฆ्เคฐिเคธ्เคฅी เคฎें เค‰เคธเค•ी 'เคชเคตिเคค्เคฐเคคा' เค–เคค्เคฎ เคนो เคšुเค•ी เคนै। เคธुเคท्เคฎाเคœी เคฏा เค†เคธाเคฐाเคฎ เค‡เคจ เคธเคตाเคฒो เค•ो เค•ाเคฐเคชेเคŸ เค•ी เคจीเคšे เคนी เคฆेเค–เคคे เคฐเคนเคจा เคšाเคนเคคे เคนैं เค•्เคฏोंเค•ि เคœ्เคฏाเคฆा เคฌเคนเคธ เคนเคฎाเคฐे เคธเคฎाเคœ เค•ो 'เค–เคค्เคฎ' เค•เคฐ เคธเค•เคคी เคนै เค”เคฐ เคชुเคฐोเคนिเคคो เค•ी เคฆुเค•ाเคจเคฆाเคฐी เคฌंเคฆ เคนो เคธเค•เคคी เคนै เค”เคฐ เคฏเคน เคธเคญी 'เคธเคฎเคเคฆाเคฐ' เคนैं เค”เคฐ เค…เคชเคจी เคฆुเค•ाเคจ เคฌंเคฆ เคจเคนीं เคนोเคจे เคฆेंเค—े เคฒेเค•िเคจ เคนเคฎें เคญी เคชूเคฐा เคœोเคฐ เคฒเค—ाเคจा เคนोเค—ा เคคाเค•ि เคฎเคจुเคญเค•्เคคो เค•ी เคฆूเค•ाเคจ เคชเคฐ เคชूเคฐ्เคฃเคคเคฏा เคคाเคฒे เคฒเค— เคœाเคँ เค”เคฐ เคนเคฎ เคเค• เคช्เคฐเคฌुเคฆ्เคง เคญाเคฐเคค เค•ा เคจिเคฐ्เคฎाเคฃ เค•เคฐ เคธเค•े เคœเคนाँ เคธเคญी เค†เคœ़ाเคฆ เคนเคตा เคฎें เคธांเคธ เคฒे เคธเค•े।

Saturday, January 05, 2013

Extraordinary life of Savitribai Phule



By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Today we celebrate the birth of Savitri Bai Phule, the first woman teacher in India who revolutionized the Dalit-Bahujan masses all over the country. Savitri bai was born on January 3rd, 1831 in a Satara district of Maharastra. Her father Khandoji Navse Patil was an elderly village head. She got married to Joti Ba Phule who was just thirteen in 1840. Savitri Bai was just 9 years old during her marriage. Even when both of them have concerned parents who were respected in the community could not even think that it was important to impart education for their daughter. May be those days, it was important to get your daughter married at the ‘right age even when she was not educated. Ofcourse, there were not many schools and it was not possible for the dalit backward community people to get education where untouchability and caste system was too much prevalent.

Her husband Joti Ba was a social revolutionary who had seen the treatment meted out to the lower caste people, farmers during his life time. He had faced lot of humiliation because he belonged to Mali caste but he knew that the fight against injustice cannot happen unless his people are educated and get rid of superstition and blind beliefs. The condition of women in our society was more pitiable. While the upper caste women were confined to their families, the illiteracy was highest among the poor backward community women. Phule knew well that without a strongly committed partner it would be difficult for him so spread his message. He might also have realized that if Savitri bai remained at home illiterate and uneducated, confined to only domestic work, it would make his tall claims to liberate women as hollow. He knew that the village women would associate with Savitri Bai more than him and therefore he decided to educate her.

The one thing we can learn from Phule is that the age old practices cannot be eliminated in a day or two. It is a process and we need to initiate it. Phule advocated English education that time because he knew that the same had opened door for the upper castes and they acquired power and position during the British government and therefore it was important for the Bahujan masses also to get English education and that is the only reason that he fully endorsed Christian missionary schools and lauded their services as he knew that the normal government schools were never allowing the low caste people.

The ideas that she developed with Joti Ba finally helped them open their first school for the backward community children on May 1st, 1847 but because of ignorance and deeply traditional pattern of society the Phule couple had to face a lot of resistance and opposition not only from the upper caste feudal people but from within the community which was in the grip of orthodoxy and conservatism. It is therefore important for Jotiba to get Savitribai educated first and developed her as an ideal teacher who could not only teach elementary education but also about rights of women and how they ensure a dignified space in the society. So, she was sent for training to a school and finally started their first school for girls 1st January 1848 in a place called Bhide Wada, Narayan Peth, Pune.

It need to be noted that Phule was the first person who talked about Bahujan and he absolutely secularized the movement by engaging in reform not only with in his own community but also engaging with Muslim women and promoting Fatima Sheikh, a Muslim woman for the teacher’s job. Where have we got such revolutionary ideal people who not only start from their home but also initiate step to bring the other communities into the mainstream of change. The Phule couple embraced every one and narrow confines of castes never really attracted them even when both of them were oppressed and saw caste discrimination. They promoted and encouraged girls from various castes and communities and in their school nine girls belonging to different castes had enrolled themselves as students. The movement for women’s education grew up in the entire region and the couple had established five more schools by the year 1848. The British government acknowledged their work for promoting education among the women of the most marginalized communities and honored Savitri Bai Phule.


Both Jotiba and Savitribai were deeply concerned about the plight of widows in our society and initiated process for them. They started home for young widows and worked against the cruel practice of Sati. It was a revolutionary work as gender prejudices were deeply internalized with in the Dalit Bahujan communities too. Though both of them hailed from backward community yet their personal water resources were always opened for the Dalits who did not have access to them elsewhere.

The most important work which jolted the orthodoxy was their unquestioned support to pregnant widows. They gave hope to those who lost their lives in early age and knew well that child marriages resulted in child widowhood too. Phule couple’s courageous effort to fight against all this helped people a lot particularly women who would prefer to die than live a life in humiliation and isolation after widowhood.
Phule realized that the Brahmins have befooled the poor in the name of God and hence warned his people not to fall prey to their tactics. He formed Satya Shodhak Samaj, a society which work for achieving the truth. Savitribai Phule took up the legacy by her husband with great passion and conviction.

Today when we all are speaking about women’s right, it is time; we remember Savitri Bai Phule and her struggle. When we talk about men in our society, let us remember Joti Ba Phule and how he got his companion educated. All those who confine themselves in narrow vision must learn from the struggle of Phule couple. They did not confine themselves to mere rhetoric of anti-Brahmanism but created an alternative which was called Satya Shodhak Samaj. It means that in the absence of an alternative, we will not be able to build a society. Phule never depended on the government to do things but he started work and reforms. He was modernist to the core and hence promoted idea of modern scientific humanist education.

Savitri Bai Phule was a revolutionary and became victim of India’s corrupt and dishonest casteist intellectual elite which tried to hide her achievements and struggle. The amount of work that both of them deserved a better mention in our text books in the colleges and Universities. Alas, our youngsters don’t even know these struggles and then are unable to fight against the injustices which are a product of the corrupted social order which is anti-woman.

The birthday of a revolutionary need to be celebrated and cannot be observed in the negative sense. Today, we hold our head high and bow to her struggle for dignity and self-respect among women and the marginalized. We must uphold the values she stood for as how can youngsters can change the society. Today, all those who ask the government to change from Jantar mantar refuses to change them. Change has to come from within. Phule started the change from within and educated Savitribai first. Both of them went to the people, stood up against all odds and got brickbats and yet stood strong. For social activists they are remarkable idol of truthfulness and conviction. Indians need to learn a lot from Phule couple. For Indian men, Joti Ba is the real change maker who started charity from home standing with his wife in all odds and for Indian women, the battle must be learnt from Savitribai that the battle for women’s dignity cannot come from hating men but changing the social system. Can anybody imagine today that a woman would lit the pyre of her husband in the 19th century which is not even possible today. Savitribai performed the last rite of Jotiba Phule as a true comrade.

Phule had realized the crookedness of the priestly class when they defined our duties and subjugated women. He emphasized on education which could liberate people from ignorance and superstition. That is why he focused in the emancipation of women and both the couple never thought that they can do it with ‘plain’ ‘sloganeering’ and ‘jargons’ but with providing alternative mode of action and thoughts. This is a great lesson for all of us that rather than thinking others to change, it is time we initiate the process with in ourself and start our own work after all charity should begin at home first. Let us strengthen the Satyashodhak movement by Jotiba Phule to realize his dream of an enlightened India free from the bondage of caste system and where women enjoy fullest freedom of their choice. Let us salute Savitribai Phule for her remarkable work which has inspired millions of people world over.